{"id":10680,"date":"2012-02-03T10:30:47","date_gmt":"2012-02-03T15:30:47","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/theredphoenix.wordpress.com\/?p=10680"},"modified":"2026-04-23T23:26:26","modified_gmt":"2026-04-24T04:26:26","slug":"reagans-hand-in-guatemalas-genocide","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/redphoenix.news\/es\/2012\/02\/reagans-hand-in-guatemalas-genocide\/","title":{"rendered":"Reagan\u2019s Hand in Guatemala\u2019s Genocide"},"content":{"rendered":"
\"\"<\/span><\/a><\/span>
Ronald Reagan and Guatemalan General Efra\u00edn R\u00edos Montt<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

By Robert Parry<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

Guatemala is taking steps to hold an ex-dictator accountable for genocide committed against Maya-Ixil Indians in the 1980s, even as the United States continues to honor the American president \u2014 Ronald Reagan \u2014 who helped make that genocide possible.<\/span><\/p>\n

A Guatemalan judge<\/span> ordered<\/a> Efra\u00edn R\u00edos Montt to appear in court on Thursday in what could be the start of a process for trying the former military dictator on genocide charges for authorizing scorched-earth campaigns against Maya-Ixil villages suspected of sympathizing with leftist guerrillas.<\/span><\/p>\n

In the late 1990s, a United Nations truth commission investigated the slaughters, which involved the killing of men, women and children, and labeled the massacres carried out during R\u00edos Montt\u2019s 17-month reign in 1982 and 1983 as \u201cgenocide.\u201d Two of R\u00edos Montt\u2019s generals were arrested on war crimes and genocide charges last year.<\/span><\/p>\n

However, while Guatemala, though beset by many serious problems including widespread poverty, takes politically difficult steps to impose some accountability on these war criminals, the U.S. politician most associated with R\u00edos Montt and his genocide, remains the subject of endless adoration.<\/span><\/p>\n

The mere mention of Ronald Reagan\u2019s name at Republican presidential debates is a sure-fire applause line; the American people are reminded over and over how the former actor made them \u201cfeel good\u201d; he\u2019s credited with \u201cwinning\u201d the Cold War though<\/span> he actually may have prolonged it<\/a>; his centennial birthday in 2011 was celebrated with lavish speeches and fawning documentaries; and a new Reagan statue was recently unveiled at Washington\u2019s airport, which has been renamed in his honor.<\/span><\/p>\n

If there is one consensus in the mainstream U.S. news media, it seems to be that not a discouraging word can be spoken about Ronald Reagan. On those rare occasions when major U.S. news outlets do make mention of the Guatemalan genocide of the 1980s, they circumspectly reframe the story to avoid mentioning Reagan\u2019s role.<\/span><\/p>\n

Yet, it was Reagan\u2019s Cold War obsessions that emboldened right-wing \u201cdeath squads\u201d to slaughter tens of thousands of their own people across many parts of the Third World but no place more so than in the desperately poor countries of Central America.<\/span><\/p>\n

\"\"<\/span><\/a><\/span>
Guatemala's former dictator Efrain Rios Montt is seen outside the court in Guatemala City.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

An Ardent Defender<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

In the 1970s and 1980s, as Latin American security forces were sharpening themselves into finely honed killing machines, Reagan was there as an ardent defender, making excuses for the atrocities, and sending money and equipment to make the forces even more lethal.<\/span><\/p>\n

For instance, in the late 1970s, when Argentina\u2019s dictators were inventing a new state-terror program called \u201cdisappearances\u201d \u2013 the unacknowledged murders of dissidents \u2013 Reagan was making himself useful as a columnist deflecting the human rights complaints coming from the Carter administration.<\/span><\/p>\n

At the time, Argentina\u2019s security forces were rounding up tens of thousands of political opponents who became subjects of ingenious torture techniques often followed by mass killings, including a favorite method that involved shackling naked prisoners together, loading them onto a plane, piloting the plane out to sea and shoving them through the plane\u2019s door, like sausage links.<\/span><\/p>\n

However, since Argentina\u2019s rightists were devout Catholics, they had a special twist when the prisoners were pregnant women. The expectant mothers would be kept alive until they reached full term and then were subjected to either induced labor or Caesarian sections.<\/span><\/p>\n

The babies were handed out to military families and the new mothers were loaded aboard the death planes to be dumped out over the sea to drown. The children were sometimes raised by their mothers\u2019 murderers. [See Consortiumnews.com\u2019s \u201c<\/span>Argentina\u2019s Dapper State Terrorist<\/a>\u201d or \u201c<\/span>Baby-Snatching: Argentina\u2019s Dirty War Secret<\/a>.\u201d]<\/span><\/p>\n

As ghastly as Argentina\u2019s \u201cdirty war\u201d was, it had an ardent defender in Ronald Reagan, who used his newspaper column to chide President Jimmy Carter\u2019s human rights coordinator, Patricia Derian, for berating the Argentine junta. Reagan joshed that Derian should \u201cwalk a mile in the moccasins\u201d of the Argentine generals before criticizing them. [For details, see Martin Edwin Andersen’s Dossier Secreto<\/em>.]<\/span><\/p>\n

\"\"<\/span><\/a><\/span>
Efra\u00edn R\u00edos Montt headed a military regime in Guatemala from 1982\u20131983 that exterminated hundreds of thousands of Maya villagers.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

Sympathizing with Torturers<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

So, there was good reason for the right-wing oligarchs and their security services to celebrate when Reagan was elected president in November 1980. They knew they would enjoy a new era of impunity as they tortured, raped and murdered their political opponents.<\/span><\/p>\n

Even before Reagan took office, four American churchwomen in El Salvador were kidnapped by elements of the right-wing Salvadoran military. Because the women were suspected of harboring leftist sympathies, they were raped and executed with high-powered bullets to their brains, before their bodies were stuffed into shallow graves.<\/span><\/p>\n

The incoming Reagan administration was soon making excuses for the Salvadoran killers, including comments from Reagan\u2019s U.N. Ambassador Jeane Kirkpatrick and Secretary of State Alexander Haig. The brutal Argentine generals also got a royal welcome when they visited Washington. Kirkpatrick feted them at an elegant state dinner.<\/span><\/p>\n

More substantively, Reagan authorized CIA collaboration with the Argentine intelligence service for training and arming the Nicaraguan Contras, a rebel force created to overthrow Nicaragua\u2019s leftist Sandinista government. The Contras were soon implicated in human rights atrocities of their own.<\/span><\/p>\n

Torture was also on the Reagan\u2019s administration\u2019s menu for political enemies. Years later, a 2004 CIA Inspector General\u2019s report which examined the CIA\u2019s \u201cwar on terror\u201d interrogations noted the spy agency\u2019s \u201cresurgence in interest\u201d in teaching harsh interrogation techniques in the early 1980s \u201cto foster foreign liaison relationships.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

The report said, \u201cbecause of political sensitivities,\u201d the CIA\u2019s top brass in the 1980s \u201cforbade Agency officers from using the word \u2018interrogation\u201d and substituted the phrase \u201chuman resources exploitation\u201d in training programs for allied intelligence agencies.<\/span><\/p>\n

Euphemisms aside, the CIA Inspector General cited a 1984 investigation of alleged \u201cmisconduct on the part of two Agency officers who were involved in interrogations and the death of one individual.\u201d In 1984, the CIA also was faced with a scandal over an \u201cassassination manual\u201d prepared by agency personnel for the Nicaraguan Contras.<\/span><\/p>\n

While the IG report\u2019s references to this earlier era were brief \u2013 and the abuses are little-remembered features of Ronald Reagan\u2019s glorified presidency \u2013 there have been other glimpses into how Reagan unleashed this earlier \u201cdark side\u201d on the peasants, workers and students of Central America. Arguably, the worst of these \u201cdirty wars\u201d was inflicted on the people of Guatemala.<\/span><\/p>\n

\"\"<\/span><\/a><\/span>
Indigenous Maya survivors of the Guatemalan civil war stand with photos of their loved ones, killed or disappeared during the conflict.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

Genocide in Guatemala<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

After taking office in 1981, Reagan pushed to overturn an arms embargo that Carter had imposed on Guatemala for its wretched human rights record. Yet even as Reagan moved to loosen up the military aid ban, U.S. intelligence agencies were confirming new Guatemalan government massacres.<\/span><\/p>\n

In April 1981, a secret CIA cable described a massacre at Cocob, near Nebaj in the Ixil Indian territory. On April 17, 1981, government troops attacked the area believed to support leftist guerrillas, the cable said.<\/span><\/p>\n

According to a CIA source, \u201cthe social population appeared to fully support the guerrillas\u201d and \u201cthe soldiers were forced to fire at anything that moved.\u201d The CIA cable added that \u201cthe Guatemalan authorities admitted that \u2018many civilians\u2019 were killed in Cocob, many of whom undoubtedly were non-combatants.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

Despite the CIA account and other similar reports, Reagan permitted Guatemala\u2019s army to buy $3.2 million in military trucks and jeeps in June 1981. To permit the sale, Reagan removed the vehicles from a list of military equipment that was covered by the human rights embargo.<\/span><\/p>\n

Confident of Reagan\u2019s sympathies, the Guatemalan government continued its political repression without apology.According to a State Department cable on Oct. 5, 1981, Guatemalan leaders met with Reagan\u2019s roving ambassador, retired Gen. Vernon Walters, and left no doubt about their plans. Guatemala\u2019s military leader, Gen. Fernando Romeo Lucas Garcia, \u201cmade clear that his government will continue as before \u2013 that the repression will continue.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

Human rights groups saw the same grisly picture. The Inter-American Human Rights Commission released a report on Oct. 15, 1981, blaming the Guatemalan government for \u201cthousands of illegal executions.\u201d [Washington Post, Oct. 16, 1981]<\/span><\/p>\n

But the Reagan administration was set on whitewashing the ugly scene. A State Department \u201cwhite paper,\u201d released in December 1981, blamed the violence on leftist \u201cextremist groups\u201d and their \u201cterrorist methods,\u201d inspired and supported by Cuba\u2019s Fidel Castro.<\/span><\/p>\n

More Massacres<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

Yet, even as these rationalizations were pitched to the American people, U.S. intelligence agencies in Guatemala continued to learn of government-sponsored massacres. One CIA report in February 1982 described an army sweep through the so-called Ixil Triangle in central El Quiche province.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u201cThe commanding officers of the units involved have been instructed to destroy all towns and villages which are cooperating with the Guerrilla Army of the Poor [known as the EGP] and eliminate all sources of resistance,\u201d the report stated. \u201cSince the operation began, several villages have been burned to the ground, and a large number of guerrillas and collaborators have been killed.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

The CIA report explained the army\u2019s modus operandi: \u201cWhen an army patrol meets resistance and takes fire from a town or village, it is assumed that the entire town is hostile and it is subsequently destroyed.\u201d When the army encountered an empty village, it was \u201cassumed to have been supporting the EGP, and it is destroyed. There are hundreds, possibly thousands of refugees in the hills with no homes to return to. \u2026<\/span><\/p>\n

\u201cThe well-documented belief by the army that the entire Ixil Indian population is pro-EGP has created a situation in which the army can be expected to give no quarter to combatants and non-combatants alike.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

In March 1982, Gen. Efrain R\u00edos Montt seized power in a coup d\u2019etat. An avowed fundamentalist Christian, he immediately impressed Official Washington with his piety. Reagan hailed R\u00edos Montt as \u201ca man of great personal integrity.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

By July 1982, however, R\u00edos Montt had begun a new scorched-earth campaign called \u201crifles and beans.\u201d The slogan meant that pacified Indians would get \u201cbeans,\u201d while all others could expect to be the target of army \u201crifles.\u201d In October 1982, R\u00edos Montt secretly gave carte blanche<\/em> to the feared \u201cArchivos\u201d intelligence unit to expand \u201cdeath squad\u201d operations, internal U.S. government cables revealed.<\/span><\/p>\n

Defending R\u00edos Montt<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

Despite the widespread evidence of Guatemalan government atrocities cited in the internal U.S. government cables, political operatives for the Reagan administration sought to conceal the crimes. On Oct. 22, 1982, for instance, the U.S. Embassy claimed the Guatemalan government was the victim of a communist-inspired \u201cdisinformation campaign.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

Reagan personally took that position in December 1982 when he met with R\u00edos Montt and claimed that his regime was getting a \u201cbum rap\u201d on human rights.<\/span><\/p>\n

On Jan. 7, 1983, Reagan lifted the ban on military aid to Guatemala, authorizing the sale of $6 million in military hardware, including spare parts for UH-1H helicopters and A-37 aircraft used in counterinsurgency operations. State Department spokesman John Hughes said the sales were justified because political violence in the cities had \u201cdeclined dramatically\u201d and that rural conditions had improved, too.<\/span><\/p>\n

In February 1983, however, a secret CIA cable noted a rise in \u201csuspect right-wing violence\u201d with kidnappings of students and teachers. Bodies of victims were appearing in ditches and gullies. CIA sources traced these political murders to R\u00edos Montt\u2019s order to the \u201cArchivos\u201d the previous October to \u201capprehend, hold, interrogate and dispose of suspected guerrillas as they saw fit.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

Despite these ugly facts on the ground, the annual State Department human rights survey sugarcoated the facts for the American public and praised the supposedly improved human rights situation in Guatemala. \u201cThe overall conduct of the armed forces had improved by late in the year\u201d 1982, the report stated.<\/span><\/p>\n

A different picture \u2013 far closer to the secret information held by the U.S. government \u2013 was coming from independent human rights investigators. On March 17, 1983, Americas Watch representatives condemned the Guatemalan army for human rights atrocities against the Indian population.<\/span><\/p>\n

New York attorney Stephen L. Kass cited proof that the government carried out \u201cvirtually indiscriminate murder of men, women and children of any farm regarded by the army as possibly supportive of guerrilla insurgents.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

Rural women suspected of guerrilla sympathies were raped before execution, Kass said. Children were \u201cthrown into burning homes. They are thrown in the air and speared with bayonets. We heard many, many stories of children being picked up by the ankles and swung against poles so their heads are destroyed.\u201d [AP, March 17, 1983]<\/span><\/p>\n

\u2018Positive Changes\u2019<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

Publicly, however, senior Reagan officials continued to put on a happy face. On June 12, 1983, special envoy Richard B. Stone praised \u201cpositive changes\u201d in R\u00edos Montt\u2019s government. But R\u00edos Montt\u2019s vengeful Christian fundamentalism was hurtling out of control, even by Guatemalan standards. In August 1983, Gen. Oscar Mejia Victores seized power in another coup.<\/span><\/p>\n

Despite the power shift, Guatemalan security forces continued to kill anyone deemed a subversive or a terrorist. When three Guatemalans working for the U.S. Agency for International Development were slain in November 1983, U.S. Ambassador Frederic Chapin suspected that \u201cArchivos\u201d hit squads were sending a message to the United States to back off even the mild pressure for human rights.<\/span><\/p>\n

In late November 1983, in a brief show of displeasure, the administration postponed the sale of $2 million in helicopter spare parts. The next month, however, Reagan sent the spare parts anyway. In 1984, Reagan succeeded, too, in pressuring Congress to approve $300,000 in military training for the Guatemalan army.<\/span><\/p>\n

By mid-1984, Chapin, who had grown bitter about the army\u2019s stubborn brutality, was gone, replaced by a far-right political appointee named Alberto Piedra, who was all for increased military assistance to Guatemala. In January 1985, Americas Watch issued a report observing that Reagan\u2019s State Department \u201cis apparently more concerned with improving Guatemala\u2019s image than in improving its human rights.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

Other examples of Guatemala\u2019s \u201cdeath squad\u201d strategy came to light later. For example, a U.S. Defense Intelligence Agency cable in 1994 reported that the Guatemalan military had used an air base in Retalhuleu during the mid-1980s as a center for coordinating the counterinsurgency campaign in southwest Guatemala \u2013 and for torturing and disposing of prisoners.<\/span><\/p>\n

At the base, pits were filled with water to hold captured suspects. \u201cReportedly there were cages over the pits and the water level was such that the individuals held within them were forced to hold on to the bars in order to keep their heads above water and avoid drowning,\u201d the DIA report stated.<\/span><\/p>\n

The Guatemalan military used the Pacific Ocean as another dumping spot for political victims, according to the DIA report. Bodies of insurgents tortured to death and live prisoners marked for \u201cdisappearance\u201d were loaded onto planes that flew out over the ocean where the soldiers would shove the victims into the water to drown, a page taken from the Argentine military\u2019s playbook.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u2018Perception Management\u2019<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

Guatemala, of course, was not the only Central American country where Reagan and his administration supported brutal counterinsurgency and paramilitary operations \u2014 and then sought to cover up the bloody facts.<\/span><\/p>\n

Deception of the American public \u2013 a strategy that the administration called \u201cperception management\u201d \u2013 was as much a part of Reagan\u2019s Central American activities as the Bush administration\u2019s lies and distortions about weapons of mass destruction were to the lead-up to the war in Iraq in 2003.<\/span><\/p>\n

Reagan\u2019s falsification of the historical record became a hallmark of the conflicts in El Salvador and Nicaragua as well as Guatemala. In one case, Reagan personally lashed out at a human rights investigator named Reed Brody, a New York lawyer who had collected affidavits from more than 100 witnesses to atrocities carried out by the U.S.-supported Contras in Nicaragua.<\/span><\/p>\n

Angered by the revelations about his beloved Contras, Reagan denounced Brody in a speech on April 15, 1985, calling him \u201cone of dictator [Daniel] Ortega\u2019s supporters, a sympathizer who has openly embraced Sandinismo.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

Privately, Reagan had a far more accurate understanding of the true nature of the Contras. At one point in the Contra war, Reagan turned to CIA official Duane Clarridge and demanded that the Contras be used to destroy some Soviet-supplied helicopters that had arrived in Nicaragua. Clarridge recalled that \u201cPresident Reagan pulled me aside and asked, \u2018Dewey, can\u2019t you get those vandals of yours to do this job.\u2019\u201d [See Clarridge’s A Spy for All Seasons<\/em>.]<\/span><\/p>\n

On Feb. 25, 1999, a Guatemalan truth commission issued a report on the staggering human rights crimes that Reagan and his administration had aided, abetted and concealed. The Historical Clarification Commission, an independent human rights body, estimated that the Guatemalan conflict claimed the lives of some 200,000 people with the most savage bloodletting occurring in the 1980s.<\/span><\/p>\n

Based on a review of about 20 percent of the dead, the panel blamed the army for 93 percent of the killings and leftist guerrillas for three percent. Four percent were listed as unresolved. The report documented that in the 1980s, the army committed 626 massacres against Mayan villages.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u201cThe massacres that eliminated entire Mayan villages \u2026 are neither perfidious allegations nor figments of the imagination, but an authentic chapter in Guatemala\u2019s history,\u201d the commission concluded.The army \u201ccompletely exterminated Mayan communities, destroyed their livestock and crops,\u201d the report said. In the northern highlands, the report termed the slaughter \u201cgenocide.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

Torture and Rape<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

Besides carrying out murder and \u201cdisappearances,\u201d the army routinely engaged in torture and rape. \u201cThe rape of women, during torture or before being murdered, was a common practice\u201d by the military and paramilitary forces, the report found.<\/span><\/p>\n

The report added that the \u201cgovernment of the United States, through various agencies including the CIA, provided direct and indirect support for some [of these] state operations.\u201d The report concluded that the U.S. government also gave money and training to a Guatemalan military that committed \u201cacts of genocide\u201d against the Mayans.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u201cBelieving that the ends justified everything, the military and the state security forces blindly pursued the anticommunist struggle, without respect for any legal principles or the most elemental ethical and religious values, and in this way, completely lost any semblance of human morals,\u201d said the commission chairman, Christian Tomuschat, a German jurist.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u201cWithin the framework of the counterinsurgency operations carried out between 1981 and 1983, in certain regions of the country agents of the Guatemalan state committed acts of genocide against groups of the Mayan people,\u201d Tomuschat said.<\/span><\/p>\n

During a visit to Central America, on March 10, 1999, President Bill Clinton apologized for the past U.S. support of right-wing regimes in Guatemala. \u201cFor the United States, it is important that I state clearly that support for military forces and intelligence units which engaged in violence and widespread repression was wrong, and the United States must not repeat that mistake,\u201d Clinton said.<\/span><\/p>\n

Though Clinton admitted that U.S. policy in Guatemala was \u201cwrong\u201d \u2014 and the new evidence of a U.S.-backed \u201cgenocide\u201d might have been considered startling \u2014 the U.S. news media mostly treated the story as a one-day event. U.S. complicity in genocide prompted no panel discussions on the cable news shows, which then were obsessed with Clinton\u2019s personal life.<\/span><\/p>\n

But there was another factor in the disinterest. By the late 1990s, Ronald Reagan had been transformed into a national icon, with the Republican-controlled Congress attaching his name to public buildings around the country and to National Airport in Washington.<\/span><\/p>\n

Democrats mostly reacted to this deification of Reagan as if It were harmless, an easy concession to the Republicans in the name of bipartisanship. Many Democrats even have cited Reagan as supportive of some of their positions as a way to deflect attacks from the Right. To this day, when defending some policy, \u201ceven Ronald Reagan\u201d is a favorite phrase of left-of-center pundits and Democrats, including President Barack Obama.<\/span><\/p>\n

This Democratic appeasement, however, had many negative consequences. With Reagan and his brutal policies shielded from serious scrutiny, the path was left open for President George W. Bush and Vice President Dick Cheney to return to Reagan\u2019s \u201cdark side\u201d after the 9\/11 attacks, authorizing torture and extrajudicial killings of their own \u2014 and expecting to avoid accountability.<\/span><\/p>\n

So, even as Guatemala struggles to address the grim chapters of its recent history, the United States continues to lavish love on the Gipper, the president who made Americans \u201cfeel good\u201d about themselves even as he did evil in their name.<\/span><\/p>\n

[Many of the declassified Guatemalan documents have been posted on the Internet by the<\/span> National Security Archive<\/a>.]<\/span><\/p>\n

[For more on related topics, see Robert Parry\u2019s Lost History, Secrecy & Privilege<\/em> and Neck Deep<\/em>, now available in a three-book set for the discount price of only $29. For details,<\/span> click here<\/a>.]<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n

Robert Parry broke many of the Iran-Contra stories in the 1980s for the Associated Press and Newsweek. His latest book, Neck Deep: The Disastrous Presidency of George W. Bush<\/em>, was written with two of his sons, Sam and Nat, and can be ordered at<\/span> neckdeepbook.com<\/a>. His two previous books, Secrecy & Privilege: The Rise of the Bush Dynasty from Watergate to Iraq<\/em> and Lost History: Contras, Cocaine, the Press & \u2018Project Truth\u2019<\/em> are also available there.<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n

Source<\/span><\/a>\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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