{"id":23872,"date":"2020-04-16T20:57:10","date_gmt":"2020-04-17T00:57:10","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/theredphoenixapl.org\/?p=23872"},"modified":"2020-04-16T20:57:10","modified_gmt":"2020-04-17T00:57:10","slug":"revolutionary-communist-party-of-bolivia-the-rise-to-power-of-the-fascist-oligarchy-in-bolivia","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/redphoenix.news\/es\/2020\/04\/revolutionary-communist-party-of-bolivia-the-rise-to-power-of-the-fascist-oligarchy-in-bolivia\/","title":{"rendered":"Revolutionary Communist Party of Bolivia: The Rise to Power of the Fascist Oligarchy in Bolivia"},"content":{"rendered":"

\"\"<\/a><\/p>\n

Secretariat of the C.C. of the Revolutionary Communist Party (PCR Bolivia)<\/strong><\/p>\n

On the night of Sunday, November 10, the High Command of the Armed Forces militarized the
\ncountry; the streets were occupied by paramilitaries, soldiers and tanks, while light aircraft and
\nhelicopters flew over the Bolivian sky. President Evo Morales had already resigned his office,
\nalong with the Vice President and the Presidents of both Houses of the Legislative Assembly. On
\nNovember 11, in an empty parliament, the military high command placed the presidential sash
\nover right-wing senator Jeanine A\u00f1ez, as they proclaimed God's return to the presidential
\npalace. The fascist oligarchy under the command of Yankee imperialism fulfilled its objective of
\nregaining the direct exercise of political power in Bolivia.<\/p>\n

It is important for us to carry out a deep study on the basis of Marxism-Leninism of the rise of
\nthe fascist oligarchy to the government; this is not an isolated event in time and space, but a
\nproduct of the objective and subjective conditions in the country. The populist government of
\nEvo Morales handed over the country to the fascist hordes on a silver platter. During 14 years of
\ngovernment, it facilitated its economic growth, it coexisted with its shock groups, it disorganized
\nthe working class and peasantry, and it repressed the popular movement that was fighting for its
\nlegitimate demands. In the context of a dispute between imperialist powers for control of the
\nregion's economy, it was the peoples of Bolivia who paid with their blood for the new redivision
\nof the country's natural resources.<\/p>\n

In our time, the problem does not arise of copying the revisionist pseudo-socialist
\ntheories, or of inventing new socialist theories. Socialism exists and is developing
\nboth as a theory and as a practice. It has accumulated a wealth of historical
\nexperience, summed up in the Marxist-Leninist theory, the vitality of which has
\nbeen con-firmed in life. By relying on this scientific theory and applying it in the
\nconditions of each country, the revolutionary forces will find the correct road to
\nsocialism.<\/p>\n

\u2013 Enver Hoxha
\n[From \u201cMarxism-Leninism \u2014 An Ever Young and Scientific Doctrine,\u201d
\nin Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 773]
\n\u201c21st century socialism,\u201d \u201ccommunitarian socialism\u201d or \u201cvivir bien\u201d (well-being \u2013 a term coined
\nby Evo Morales\u2019 government) has failed on a regional level. There is no socialism without
\nsocialization of the means of production, without the seizure of power by the working class,
\nwithout changing the capitalist relations of production. The slogans of \u201ccomplementarity\u201d that
\nthe MAS-IPSP (Movement for Socialism \u2013 Political Instrument for the Sovereignty of the
\nPeoples) government proclaimed from the upper echelons during 14 years in fact represented a
\nclear policy of class conciliation. The \u201cprocess of change\u201d of Evo Morales was nothing more
\nthan the modernization of the bourgeois state (including the repressive apparatus) and the
\ndemobilization of the popular organizations.<\/p>\n

2<\/p>\n

The conflicts unleashed in the first years of the Morales government, between the central state
\nand the so-called \u201chalf moon\u201d (a crescent-shaped grouping of four departments in eastern Bolivia
\nthat is the center of the right-wing \u2013 translator\u2019s note) were resolved with the social pact
\nbetween the MAS-IPSP and the oligarchy in the new State Political Constitution. The
\nconstitutional text that was approved in the Constituent Assembly was negotiated in a
\nparliamentary commission, which strengthened guarantees for big private property. Paramilitary
\ngroups such the Santa Cruz Youth Union, which raised their heads with their racist and hateful
\nactions, reached agreements with the MAS-IPSP to become government youth groups. The large
\nlandowners benefited from a series of laws that guaranteed their ownership of lands whose size
\nexceeded constitutional limits. The laws regarding private banking and the financial sector were
\nnegotiated between the MAS-IPSP government and the representatives of the bankers. The
\ngrowth of the financial sector during the 14 years of the Morales government exceeded 375%;
\ninstead of fighting the oligarchy, populism created the conditions for it to grow and develop.
\nIn the heroic days of 2003-2005, the organized people defeated the traditional neoliberal parties;
\nthe workers and peasants were at the head of the Bolivian Workers Federation (COB) and the
\nUnified Trade Union Confederation of Rural Workers of Bolivia (CSUTCB); the Marxist-
\nLeninist Party that takes the leadership of these struggles and guides them towards the seizure of
\npower did not yet exist. During the 14 years of MAS-IPSP these union leaderships were co-
\nopted, bought off and divided by the government. The disorganized people did not have the
\nnecessary tools to present a systematic resistance to the coup, their leaders lacked legitimacy
\nwith the rank-and-file, the organizations lost internal democracy and institutionality.
\nThe popular movements fought against oil exploration, against the building of highways and
\nhydroelectric plants without consultation, against the corruption of local authorities, for a bigger
\neducation and health budget, among other things. The accumulation of legitimate demands of
\nvarious social sectors of the country that were harshly repressed, found a common slogan when
\nthe Constitutional Court ignored the popular will expressed in the constitutional referendum of
\nFebruary 21, 2016, in which the majority of the voters rejected the change that would have made
\nthe re-election of Morales possible. The inability of the forces of the revolutionary left to
\ninfluence and become the vanguard of the social struggles allowed the reactionary forces to
\ncapitalize on social unrest.<\/p>\n

The 2019 general elections mark a turning point in Bolivian politics. National regulations state
\nthat the team of President and Vice President that wins 50% + 1 of the votes or a vote greater
\nthan 40% with at least 10% more than the next candidate, wins. On election night, the rapid
\ntransmission of electoral results was suspended for 24 hours, with a difference of less than 10%
\nbetween Morales and the main opposition candidate (Mesa); this resulted in massive protests and
\nconfrontations at the national level, with the burning and destruction of electoral headquarters
\ncommanded by paramilitary groups. From the technical point of view, there are a series of
\nstudies (University of Michigan, MIT, OAS, among others) regarding the statistical trend and
\ncomputer management during the key hours of the election. There is no doubt that the computer
\nsystem subcontracted to a private entity did not have the minimum security conditions for a<\/p>\n

national election. There is evidence of electoral fraud although the degree of this is not precise.
\nThe protests against electoral fraud that lasted 21 days led to the hegemony of the oligarchic
\nright-wing. Racist, regionalist and religious fundamentalist hate speeches made possible the
\nresurgence of the \u201chalf moon\u201d paramilitary groups of 2007-09.<\/p>\n

The change in the influences of the imperialist powers was seen in the country in the fight for
\ncontrol of the lithium of the Uyuni Salt Flat, the iron of Mutun and the hydrocarbons.
\nThroughout the whole conflict that was unleashed, the embassies of the United States, the
\nEuropean Union and Brazil, together with the envoys of the OAS, played a decisive role. The
\nOAS Secretary General, Almagro, publicly endorsed the \u201cright\u201d of Evo Morales to be re-elected,
\npassing over the Constitution. When the fast vote count was suspended, the first ones consulted
\nby the MAS-IPSP government were representatives of the embassies of the U.S., European
\nUnion and Brazil. These same embassies, together with the Catholic Church, the right-wing
\nparties, the Pro-Santa Cruz Civic Committee and CONADE (National Committee for the
\nDefense of Democracy) decided behind closed doors that A\u00f1ez would be self-proclaimed as
\nPresident.<\/p>\n

The coup regime of A\u00f1ez is an organic representative of the country's most reactionary
\noligarchy, whose party barely had 4% support in the 2019 elections, and wasted no time in
\ncoming down with a heavy hand against the people. With the cowardice of Morales and his
\nentourage in fleeing the country, the popular movement bravely resisted the fascist bullets and
\nrepression in the Sacaba and Senkata massacres. With more than 35 dead, 800 wounded and
\n2000 arrested, the peasant and popular movement made it clear that there is no evil that lasts a
\nhundred years nor a people that will tolerate it.<\/p>\n

The oligarchy has demonstrated its sell-out intentions, in the few months that it has illegitimately
\noccupied state power, and it has already been involved in several corruption scandals and frontal
\nattacks on state enterprises (among them the country's flagship airline \u2013 Boliviana de Aviaci\u00f3n,
\nand the telecommunications company Entel). The ministerial cabinet today is made up of former
\nexecutives of the big banks and the agro-industrial conglomerates. Official acts are conducted in
\nthe presence of medieval bibles, candles and crucifixes, with which the authorities are sworn in
\n(despite the fact that Bolivia is constitutionally a secular state). Given the minimal threat of
\nsocial protests, the regime does not hesitate to reinforce the militarization of the country,
\nclaiming the existence of an internal enemy (terrorists, leftists, drug-traffickers, communists,
\nMarxists, etc.) The general elections have been suspended indefinitely, under the pretext of the
\nCOVID-19 health crisis.<\/p>\n

Groups that proclaim leftist ideologies, what they want is power because they are
\nfinanced by drug-terrorism; they must be identified, persecuted, surrounded and
\ndefeated.<\/p>\n

\u2013 Jeanine A\u00f1ez
\nFor the Marxist-Leninists it is clear that there can be no revolution without an armed people and
\nthere is no socialism without the socialization of the means of production. In this new political<\/p>\n

context, we communists have the task of supporting the independent organization of the popular
\nmovement, propagating the program of struggle and strengthening the ranks of the Party in order
\nto combat the fascist oligarchic regime that has usurped state power in Bolivia. It opens the way
\nto the regrouping of the popular movement for anti-fascist resistance, the fight against neoliberal
\nmeasures, the defense of the natural resources and state enterprises. The Second Plenum of the
\nCentral Committee of our Party has given clear directions for the anti-fascist struggle, with its
\nsights set on building a patriotic and popular alternative for national liberation.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Secretariat of the C.C. of the Revolutionary Communist Party (PCR Bolivia) On the night of Sunday, November 10, the High Command of the Armed Forces..<\/p>","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":37416,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"nf_dc_page":"","_monsterinsights_skip_tracking":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_active":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_note":"","_monsterinsights_sitenote_category":0,"jetpack_post_was_ever_published":false,"_jetpack_newsletter_access":"","_jetpack_dont_email_post_to_subs":false,"_jetpack_newsletter_tier_id":0,"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paywalled_content":false,"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paid_content":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[],"tags":[306],"class_list":["post-23872","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","tag-bolivia"],"jetpack_featured_media_url":"https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/redphoenix.news\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/04\/500px-pcrcolor_0.png?fit=500%2C217&ssl=1","jetpack_sharing_enabled":true,"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/redphoenix.news\/es\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/23872","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/redphoenix.news\/es\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/redphoenix.news\/es\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/redphoenix.news\/es\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/redphoenix.news\/es\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=23872"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/redphoenix.news\/es\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/23872\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/redphoenix.news\/es\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/37416"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/redphoenix.news\/es\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=23872"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/redphoenix.news\/es\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=23872"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/redphoenix.news\/es\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=23872"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}