{"id":23963,"date":"2020-05-11T10:39:58","date_gmt":"2020-05-11T14:39:58","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/theredphoenixapl.org\/?p=23963"},"modified":"2020-05-11T10:39:58","modified_gmt":"2020-05-11T14:39:58","slug":"marxist-leninist-communist-party-ecuador-the-indigenous-and-popular-uprising-of-october-its-lessons-and-the-perspectives-for-revolutionary-struggle","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/redphoenix.news\/es\/2020\/05\/marxist-leninist-communist-party-ecuador-the-indigenous-and-popular-uprising-of-october-its-lessons-and-the-perspectives-for-revolutionary-struggle\/","title":{"rendered":"Marxist-Leninist Communist Party (Ecuador): “The Indigenous and Popular Uprising of October. Its Lessons and the Perspectives for Revolutionary Struggle.”"},"content":{"rendered":"

\"\"<\/a><\/p>\n

The country was shaken by the outbreak and development of great struggles of the indigenous
\npeoples and nationalities, of the workers of the city and countryside, the working class and poor
\npeasantry, small merchants, the inhabitants of popular neighborhoods in the cities, the teachers
\nand the progressive intelligentsia, of the great demonstrations of the insurgence of the youth of
\nthe indigenous communities, the youth strata of the factory workers, the secondary and
\nuniversity students who went out onto the highways, the streets and squares, indigenous and
\nworking women, teachers, students and housewives.<\/p>\n

These massive manifestations of the discontent and anger of the workers and peoples were
\ntransformed into the indigenous and popular uprising that brought down the attempts of the
\ngovernment and imperialism to apply neoliberal measures.<\/p>\n

The popular and indigenous uprising that lasted for 12 days in October 2019 demonstrated that
\nworkers and peoples, women and youth are on their feet, fighting for their interests and rights,
\nfor freedom and democracy.<\/p>\n

The struggle of indigenous peoples and nationalities, led by the CONAIE (Confederation of
\nIndigenous Nationalities of Ecuador); the workers and social organizations led by the FUT
\n(Unitary Workers; Front) and the Popular Front; the workers of the city and countryside who do
\nnot belong to any social and union organizations and broad sectors of the youth won a great
\nvictory: the repeal of Decree 883, the suspension of labor reforms and the reformulation of the
\nProject of Growth of the Economy.<\/p>\n

The victory of the workers and peoples forced a modification of the policies of the IMF and the
\ngovernment, and won their economic, political and ideological demands. But it did not change
\nthe nature of the regime, the rules imposed by the IMF are still in force, big national and
\ninternational capital maintain these demands. The Moreno government will seek to comply with
\nthese demands.<\/p>\n

The Draft Law on the Growth of the Economy has already been proposed, excluding the labor
\nreforms, with some reforms from the original draft. It is a project that mainly benefits the large
\nbusiness owners and bankers, exempts them from taxes on profits and eliminates the advance on
\ntaxes on profits and the tax on the outflow of foreign currency. This measure was rejected by the
\nmajority of Assembly members in order to maintain their prestige, faced with the next elections.
\nAlong the same line of subordination to the International Monetary Fund, the IMF sent the
\nSimplicity and Progressive Tax draft that was finally approved by the National Assembly, which
\nresponds mainly to the interests of the capitalist class.<\/p>\n

2<\/p>\n

Regarding the price of fuel and transportation, the government is seeking to apply a policy of
\ntargeting subsidies and fares and the implementation of compensation.<\/p>\n

The political events of October 2019 and their results have created a new balance of forces.
\nDuring the most important periods of the denunciation of the corruption of the Correa regime, of
\nits high officials and the unmasking of acts of authoritarianism, of the verbiage of the open arms
\nand outstretched hand, the dialogue with all Ecuadorians, a large part of the population was
\nfavorable to the presidential administration. Moreno's approval rating was over 70%, he
\nmanaged to hide the specter of electoral fraud that allowed him to win the election with 51%.
\nNow, after the victory achieved by the popular and indigenous uprising, the credibility of the
\nMoreno government fell to only 14%.<\/p>\n

The National Assembly has less than 10% approval. The armed forces and the police have
\nlargely been unmasked as repressive forces serving the interests of the government and the most
\npowerful economic groups.<\/p>\n

During the days of the popular struggle, the big media, television and press showed an
\nextraordinary partiality towards the theses and proposals of the government and the bourgeoisie;
\nthese circumstances were seen by the workers and have somewhat diminished the credibility of
\nthese media.<\/p>\n

The capitalist class, the bourgeois political parties, the Social Christian Party, CREO (Creating
\nOpportunities), SUMA (Society United for More Action) and Alianza Pa\u00eds, which stood firmly
\non the side of the neoliberal measures, considering them sacred and blessing them, were
\nunmasked, in part, as enemies of the people.<\/p>\n

The diversionist policies that were promoted with the so-called white marches that defended
\n&quot;peace and tranquility, the sacred principle of private property&quot; failed; they did not fulfill their
\npurpose of delegitimizing the indigenous and popular uprising, they were reduced to an
\nimportant and solitary march in Guayaquil, to small showings in other cities.<\/p>\n

Nebot, who tried to promote his presidential campaign in the midst of the people’s struggle, saw
\nhis political project crumble, as he himself recognize; his racist shouts lost him a part of the
\nstrength he had accumulated. The Social Christian party from within the Guayaquil Mayor’s
\nOffice was seen to be racist.<\/p>\n

The pro-Correa forces suffered a new setback. After the unmasking of the feast of public money,
\nthe corruption, prosecution and imprisonment of the former vice-president, of several former
\nministers and high officials, he tried to establish himself as the popular opposition to the Moreno
\nregime. He denounced the neoliberal policies and organized some marches and demonstrations, a
\nfive-day peasant strike that was unsuccessful. People saw that the pro-Correa forces did not go
\nout into the street; they did not fight for their authoritarian leader. In the local elections of March
\n2019, the pro-Correa forces supported the party of a corrupt man who is facing prison and won
\n11% of the vote and two out of the 23 prefectures.<\/p>\n

3<\/p>\n

In the popular and indigenous uprising the pro-Correa forces opted for a conspiracy, they
\ninfiltrated the indigenous movement, the inhabitants of the popular neighborhoods; they carried
\nout acts of provocation, used the assets and resources of the prefectures to finance their forces,
\nwhich they kept in action through daily payoffs to participate. They took up positions against the
\nindigenous nationalities and peoples, the FUT and the Popular Front, the denunciation of the
\nrepression that they advocated when they were in power, the provocations and acts of vandalism,
\nas well as the denunciations by the government contributed to their isolation. After the uprising
\nthey were isolated, they denounced what they called the betrayal of the CONAIE and they
\nclaimed that they were being politically persecuted.<\/p>\n

The pro-Correa forces are weakened but not eliminated. The assessment that he might win the
\nnext elections is maliciously promoted by the government and the bourgeois political parties that
\nraise the ghost; they are completely unfounded concerns but worries of the middle strata and
\nconsiderable sectors of the workers.<\/p>\n

In reality, the pro-Correa forces are a political force, they have a firm base; but they are losers. In
\nthe last elections they only won 11% down from the 54% that they obtained in the 2017
\nlegislative elections. They were a defeated political alternative in the popular and indigenous
\nuprising. They are not a big political force, they do not have the potential they claim, but they
\nshould not be underestimated since their social base comes from sectors of the impoverished
\nlaboring classes of the city and the countryside.<\/p>\n

In the popular camp important qualitative changes took place that are influencing the social and
\npolitical forces, the consciousness of the working masses and youth, of the whole of society.
\nThe indigenous movement and particularly the CONAIE are better situated than in the
\nimmediate past, they are recognized for their organization, consistency and courage in the
\nstruggle, for the correctness of their proposals, for the seriousness of their main spokespersons
\nand leaders.<\/p>\n

The accumulated strength of the indigenous movement forms an important force in the workers\u2019
\nand popular movement, in the political parties and organizations of the left.<\/p>\n

Pachakutik, a party that is an important part of the indigenous movement, reaffirms its validity in
\nthe territories where it has been showing strength and significance and it is growing in the minds
\nof the workers and peoples throughout the country.<\/p>\n

The working class, above all, its sectors organized in the class federations that are part of the
\nFUT waged an important struggle; they were organizers and protagonists of the national strike
\nthat took place on October 9, within the framework of the popular and indigenous uprising. The
\ndemands proposed, mainly the opposition to labor flexibility, were taken up by the working class
\nas a whole, including by the rank-and-file of the yellow union federations made up of the pro-
\nCorrea forces and sponsored by Moreno.<\/p>\n

4<\/p>\n

The victory of the workers was materialized in the suspension of the original Draft Law on the
\nGrowth of the Economy during the popular and indigenous uprising and later, in the withdrawal
\nof the parts of the labor reform from the new draft of the same Law after the end of the people's
\nstruggle.<\/p>\n

The FUT reaffirmed its position as the main organization of the workers among its own rank-
\nand-file and beyond, to a good part of the working class centered in other plants, to considerable
\nsectors of the unorganized workers who make up the majority.<\/p>\n

The UGTE (General Union of the Workers of Ecuador) took a decisive part in the call,
\norganization and development of the national strike. To a great extent, it developed the debate in
\nthe union assemblies, promoted the nature, ideological and political tasks and the responsibilities
\nof the working class towards the other laboring classes and society. As a result of its
\nparticipation and the end of the popular and indigenous uprising, the UGTE can show the support
\nof its rank-and-file and the sympathy of other sectors of the working class; it can be proud of the
\npossibilities for its reaffirmation and development, it must take advantage of the situation in
\norder to advance.<\/p>\n

The union and social organizations that make up the Popular Front, the UGTE, FEUNASSC
\n(United National Federation of Affiliates to Peasants\u2019 Social Security), UNE (National Union of
\nEducators), CUCOMITAE (Unitary Federation of Retail Merchants and Self-Employed Workers
\nof Ecuador), CUBE (Unitary Federation of Neighborhoods of Ecuador), Women for Change,
\nFESE (Federation of Secondary Students of Ecuador), FEUE (Federation of University Students
\nof Ecuador) and UNAPE (National Union of People\u2019s Artists of Ecuador) participated with a
\ngood part of their rank-and-file in the various days of the popular and indigenous uprising; their
\nleaders were determined and courageous fighters, their members and rank-and-file were fired up
\nand nourished by the lessons of the struggle of the masses, by the development of new and varied
\nforms of struggle, their banners were seen by the fighters in the streets and squares.
\nThe Popular Front, the social and political forces that comprise it, came out strengthened from
\nthe struggles of October; they have the space, the conditions and responsibilities to situate
\nthemselves in the new scenarios and to advance in the consolidation of their organization, to
\ndevelop new struggles and, above all, to insist on the obligation to educate the rank-and-file
\npolitically, to build revolutionary consciousness in the minds, organization and action of the
\nmasses.<\/p>\n

The Popular Unity reaffirmed during the events its nature as a party of the revolutionary left; its
\nleaders, its rank-and-file, affiliates and sympathizers were actively integrated into the direct
\npolitical response to the anti-popular and anti-national policies of the Moreno government. They
\ndenounced them in a timely manner and clarified their neoliberal nature, the intention to shift the
\nweight of the crisis on the shoulders of the workers and peoples.<\/p>\n

5<\/p>\n

The members of Popular Unity were present within the social organizations; they took part in the
\ndebate and making of decisions and they joined the struggle in the neighborhoods, the unions and
\nthe organizations of teachers, peasants and students.<\/p>\n

The Popular Unity said \u201cwe are present,\u201d its banners flew in the streets and squares of the
\ncountry. On October 2, in the street demonstration that began the struggles that developed into
\nthe popular and indigenous uprising, the Popular Unity raised the slogan &quot;Neither Moreno Nor
\nCorrea; Only the People Can Save the People&quot;, which was chanted by thousands of protesters
\nduring the days of the popular struggle.<\/p>\n

The Popular Unity confirmed its character as a left party that represents and fights for the
\ninterests and rights of the working masses and youth. It has put forth new challenges and the
\npossibility to face them in order to advance steadily in their organization and relevance in the
\nminds of the people.<\/p>\n

Other organizations and movements of the revolutionary left, the Revolutionary Movement of
\nWorkers (MRT), the Movement of the Revolutionary Left (MIR), the Jos\u00e9 Carlos Mari\u00e1tegui
\nMovement, the Guevarista Liberation Movement, Revolt and others were directly involved in the
\nfight; they fought side by side with the indigenous people, the workers and youth; they
\ndisseminated their proposals and slogans. A good part of the rank-and-file of the Socialist Party
\nwere also involved, despite the silence of its leadership. In the course of the struggle, unity in
\naction was concretized. It was possible to fight together against the common enemy,
\nneoliberalism and the Moreno government. These circumstances pose certain possibilities for
\nadvancing in the unitary process of the revolutionary left.<\/p>\n

The popular struggle became the crucible and the test by which these formations of the
\nrevolutionary left were made visible and strengthened.<\/p>\n

An important result of the development of the popular and indigenous uprising is the
\nconsiderable level of unity in action, among the parties and organizations of the revolutionary
\nleft, which was forged in the midst of the struggle. The common objectives, the justness of the
\ncause, the strength and decisiveness of the indigenous movement and, of course, the nature of the
\nforces of the revolutionary left allowed them to put aside, on a secondary level, the ideological
\nand political differences and place unity in the center of the struggle.
\nThese events pose for the present, the immediate future and the medium term the possibility of
\nfinding meeting points for the discussion of the projects and policies among all the left
\nrevolutionaries, to advance to agreements of a programmatic nature in the medium and long
\nterm.<\/p>\n

A new scenario arises for the party of the proletariat, the certainty that it is possible to speak, to
\ndiscuss projects, that progress can be made in building the unity of the revolutionary forces.
\nWe propose to open the debate on the basis of equality, to put aside prejudices, to get to know
\neach other and to set goals and paths. We maintain, as in the past, that nobody has the right to<\/p>\n

6<\/p>\n

impose their project or their points of view, as well as that no organization has the power to veto
\nthe agreements. We are in favor of open, frank and democratic discussion of majority
\nagreements. We reject the policy of consensus, which is nothing other than the right to veto.
\nThe party of the proletariat was involved in a direct and responsible manner, in the orientation
\nand propaganda, in the debate among the social organizations and groups to propose and guide
\nthe resistance and the struggle against the neoliberal policies implemented by the government of
\nMoreno. We committed ourselves to work in the provincial and national assemblies and the
\ncongresses of the workers and social organizations; we were present at the Conventions of the
\nFUT and we encouraged unity and the call for the national strike.<\/p>\n

For months the Party and its forces have been involved in spreading and discussing the call for
\nthe national strike, the work of organizing it among the rank-and-file of the social and union
\norganizations, in the places where we have an impact and responsibilities. We understood that
\nthe decision and the call were important but that they had to be taken up by the masses.
\nThe Party took a decisive part, its members and sympathizers were in the frontlines of the battle,
\nin the streets and squares, on the roads and highways. They were able to involve a good part of
\nthe party's social base, important sectors of the masses of workers, youth and women.
\nThe participation of the membership in the popular struggles of October provided great lessons:
\nit reaffirmed the proletarian conceptions of the role of the masses in history, of the role of unity
\nin the struggle, in the objectives and proposals, in the present and the future, in the struggle as
\nthe way to defend and win the interests and rights of the masses. It allowed the forging and
\nsteeling of the revolutionary convictions; it broadened the view of the communists of the role
\nand nature of the other revolutionary political organizations.<\/p>\n

The assessment that is being carried out regarding what the popular indigenous uprising was and
\nmeant, of the new scenarios and spaces that resulted from the victory achieved by the struggle,
\nshows that the vast majority of the members were directly involved in the fighting, that this
\nparticipation affirmed them in the positive evaluation of the Party and its policies as an
\nexpression of the most advanced revolutionary thought, as the most determined and ready for the
\nfight.<\/p>\n

In these battles, we made significant progress in the process of the accumulation of revolutionary
\nforces.<\/p>\n

The bourgeoisie is trying to delegitimize the popular struggle<\/p>\n

The ruling classes and the political parties of the bourgeoisie are aware of these new
\ncircumstances, above all, of the potential of the popular forces and the revolutionary left, and
\nthey are unleashing a big ideological and political offensive; they are unleashing a real witch
\nhunt, they are criminalizing social fighters and the leaders of the indigenous people and of the
\nworkers.<\/p>\n

7<\/p>\n

Now, after the defeat inflicted by the indigenous and popular uprising, they are claiming that the
\ncountry has been devastated by vandalism and the excesses of the protesters, that they have lost
\nhundreds of millions of dollars and that finally, &quot;we are all losers&quot;, that the struggle and its
\noutcome did not lead to winners or losers.<\/p>\n

They talked of the existence of an international plot, the participation of foreigners, of
\nColombian guerrillas and pro-Maduro activists, of the planning and carrying out of terrorist acts,
\nof the establishment of the urban guerrilla, all in order to discredit the struggle.<\/p>\n

The entire bourgeoisie is telling these lies, calling the masses who took part in the struggle
\nirrational, contingents led in an authoritarian manner by leaders whom they demonize as enemies
\nof democracy and freedom. They are announcing and preparing anti-insurgent policies and
\nactions, as well as the improvement of the information and intelligence services, whose actors
\nare the Armed Forces and the Police.<\/p>\n

The work of the big media in the development of this ideological and political attack is intense
\nand demands a timely and sustained response from the revolutionary forces and, especially, from
\nthe party of the proletariat.<\/p>\n

They boast of their democratic &quot;disposition&quot; and that they recognize the right of workers and
\npeoples to protest, to make demands; but they condemn what they call acts of vandalism and
\nterrorism. They call the popular and indigenous uprising just, they recognize that they were
\nwrong in their analysis and proposals, but they denigrate the social fighters, they call them
\nviolent, that they are attacking peace and private property. They recognize the right of the
\nindigenous people to oppose the cultural discrimination and segregation of which they are
\nvictims and at the same time they accuse them of being revanchists, of opposing progress. They
\ndeclare themselves to be friends and supporters of the peasants, of the rural workers whom they
\nidentify as the forgotten ones, those ignored by all the governments and they claim that the
\ndecrees and measures are aimed at their salvation. They say that the regime is the standard bearer
\nfor dialogue, that it has its arms outstretched and its hands open to talk and build consensus for
\nthe good of the country, of the need to make sacrifices now in order to enjoy tomorrow and at the
\nsame time they call for repression, the use of tear gas, horses and motorized vehicles to defend
\nthe order threatened by the people’s struggle.<\/p>\n

These tales of the government and the reactionary political parties, of the chambers of
\ncommerce, of most of the big media, of the heads of the Catholic Church lie about the events that
\noccurred in the indigenous and popular uprising in October; they distort them. For the tens of
\nthousands of people who took a direct part in the struggles, in the city and the countryside, in the
\nstreets and squares, things are clear, but this is not the same for the vast majority of the
\npopulation who ar the object of this ideological manipulation.<\/p>\n

Facts are stubborn things; they show the reasons for the social struggle
\nThe proletarian revolutionaries, the men and women who make up the workers\u2019 and popular
\nmovement, the social actors of the indigenous movement must take up the responsibility of<\/p>\n

8<\/p>\n

denouncing these fallacies and make clear again and again the nature of the events and their
\nresults.<\/p>\n

We, the indigenous people and the workers of the city and countryside, are not criminals,
\nvandals, much less terrorists or saboteurs; we are the labor force that sustains the life and
\ndevelopment of society.<\/p>\n

These were hard days for the workers in industry, in the mines and construction who create the
\nwealth of the country that allows for the satisfaction of the vital needs of the Ecuadorians, even
\nthough for now, much of that wealth is expropriated by the employers. It is the labor of millions
\nof peasants that allows us to meet the daily needs of the Ecuadorians, food; it is the work of
\nagricultural wage earners that makes possible the export of agricultural products and livestock,
\nwhich provides foreign exchange for the purchase of products that need to be imported. It is the
\ndaily work of the self-employed workers that allows for much of the production and exchange of
\nuseful goods. The activity of the teachers, health-care workers and public servants provides the
\ndaily dynamic of society.<\/p>\n

The acts of vandalism that took place during the uprising, which certainly took place, were the
\nwork of the provocateurs of the pro-Correa forces and the repressive forces that were trying to
\nplace the blame on the popular fighters.<\/p>\n

It is recognized by all that the 11 dead, the 1,340 wounded and the 1,152 arrested were from the
\nranks of the social fighters, who were victims of the brutal repression ordered by the
\ngovernment. The Mission of the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights itself reaffirmed
\nthis. That means that the social mobilizations and the action of the popular fighters were
\ndefensive, responding to the bullets and tear gas with shouts, sticks and stones.
\nOn the other hand, the indigenous and popular uprising in October set goals and achieved them;
\nthe government and the oligarchy set goals for themselves and were unable to achieve them.
\nThere were massive battles that achieved a great victory.<\/p>\n

The clearly established truth is that Ecuadorians do not have to pay more for fuel and
\ntransportation, that the hourly contract and labor flexibility did not pass, that the wages of the
\nworkers were not lowered. The reality is that we millions of Ecuadorians were able to see on
\ntelevision how the President surrendered to the just demands of the indigenous and popular
\nmovement. The workers and peoples won a momentous victory.<\/p>\n

It is clear that the great loser was the government and the whole of the ruling classes that were
\nforced to back down from their attempts to free up fuel prices.<\/p>\n

The democratic verbiage with which they supposedly recognize the people's right to make
\ndemands and protest aims at masking the authoritarian, arrogant and repressive nature of the
\nregime; it clashes with the facts, with the measures to strengthen the military capacity to silence
\nthe social protest.<\/p>\n

Unity was forged and developed in combat<\/p>\n

9<\/p>\n

The indigenous and popular uprising was a great example of the unity of the workers and
\npeoples, of the working women and youth, the left-wing political parties and organizations. The
\npolitical unity was forged in the discussion among the indigenous communities of the CONAIE,
\namong the rank-and-file workers in the unions, in the provincial and national federations, in the
\nFUT, in the trade union and social organizations that make up the Popular Front, in the debate
\namong the social and political activists and collectives that defend nature and the environment.
\nThis political unity was concretized in a common Platform, in specific targets, in the demand that
\nthe government repeal the neoliberal measures and the labor flexibility. Unity was expressed in
\nthe struggle, in the streets and squares, in the territories and on the highways, in the daily
\nassemblies that analyzed the progress of the fight.<\/p>\n

These important expressions of the unity of the working masses, the peoples and the youth form
\nthe basis to advance more decisively in the building of unity for the seizure of power, for the
\nbuilding of socialism.<\/p>\n

Our responsibilities demand that we continue developing, under current conditions, the unity of
\nthe workers, peoples and youth in order to confront and overcome the arrogance of the
\nemployers, for the defense of our rights, for the winning of the demands of the masses.
\nOnly the unity of the workers within their trade union and social organization will allow us to
\nclarify the reasons for the fight, to identify our true friends and determine our enemies, and fight
\ndecisively against their policies and for the interests of the masses. A union unified around the
\nimmediate and medium-term aims of its members will be able to develop a consistent leadership
\nthat will have the courage to achieve its goals. The unity forged in each of the social and union
\norganizations is the stage for the politicization of the masses, to forge and affirm the political
\nobjectives of the seizure of popular power.<\/p>\n

It is necessary to move from unity in one union and one commune to unity among the unions, to
\nthe forging of fraternal ties among the workers of one Federation, one province, one sector of
\nproduction. We must advance in the formation of unitary structures with the other sectors of the
\nworking class and peasantry, the youth and teachers.<\/p>\n

The achievements made in the formation of the Collective of Social Organizations and in the
\nParliament of the Peoples should serve as a basis to advance in forging the ideological and
\npolitical unity of the workers with the indigenous movement, social organizations and activists
\nwho defend nature and the environment. We must work so that the activists of the indigenous
\nand popular uprising work in a united way to take up all the tasks of social and political life.
\nThe Party must learn from the experiences achieved in the forging of the revolutionary
\nmovement of the masses, the unitary organizations that are being built; it must work to
\nconsolidate and develop them; it must use it as a basis to broaden the unity to other social
\nsectors.<\/p>\n

The Popular Front as an expression of coordination and action of the class-struggle union
\norganizations, of the poor peasantry, the small merchants, the poor neighborhood residents, the<\/p>\n

10<\/p>\n

secondary and university students, the women must be taken seriously by the provincial
\ncommittees, by the national leadership, by the members and leaders of the party.
\nThe FUT is an organization in which various union federations and different political positions
\nconverge; it is an organization that has won an important place within the working class and
\npeople. The responsibilities taken up by the FUT must be completely fulfilled. We must actively
\nparticipate in the debate, in the making of decisions and be consistent in the application of these
\ndecisions.<\/p>\n

The political situation in the country, the important development of the organization and struggle
\nof the indigenous peoples and nationalities, the presence and activity of the CONAIE reaffirm
\nthe proposals of the Political Line regarding the role of the indigenous movement in the
\nEcuadorian revolution; they demand a sustained and long-term work for building the unity of the
\nworkers and peoples and, especially, with the indigenous peoples and nationalities.
\nThe multicultural nature of the country exists within the workers\u2019 and popular movement; in it
\nworkers, men and women, youth and adults, mestizos, indigenous and blacks come together, the
\nvariously colored nature of the workers and the peoples. The building of a fraternal and
\nrevolutionary interculturality among the social historical actors of the Ecuadorian revolution is a
\nresponsibility shared by all of them. The banners of social and national liberation, the red flag of
\nthe workers, the wipala of the indigenous movement, the national tricolor must fly in all the
\npopular struggles, in all the proposals and programs.<\/p>\n

The political and organizational ties that are being developed within the popular movement show
\nthe party's decision to work in that direction and make clear the readiness and determination of
\nother political and social forces to come together in actions and organizations to strengthen the
\npopular bloc, to lead it to the seizure of popular power.
\nMarxism-Leninism, the general guidelines of the PCMLE, the concrete conjunctural proposals
\nserve as a guide for the work of the proletarian revolutionaries; work must be done to bring the
\nrevolutionary theory, the programmatic proposals of the revolution and socialism to the broad
\nmasses.<\/p>\n

The unity of the leftists<\/p>\n

The task of building the United Revolutionary Front requires a unitary work of the Party within
\nthe working class, the other laboring classes and the indigenous movement; it also demands a
\nunitary policy towards the other parties and political organizations of the revolutionary left.
\nThe overthrow of the power of imperialism and the big bourgeoisie, the establishment of popular
\npower and the building of the society of the workers are objectives of the working class and
\npeoples, they require the struggle of the workers of the city and the countryside, of the youth,
\nthey demand the building, in the course of the struggle, of the unity of the motive forces of the
\nrevolution, of the social and political actors.<\/p>\n

11<\/p>\n

The PCMLE has been taking up its responsibility in organizing the revolution, in the process of
\naccumulating forces, in the multiple activities that are taking place in the confrontation of the
\nworkers and youth with the employers, the bourgeois state and the governments in office.
\nOn this path, other parties and political organizations of the revolutionary left are converging
\nwith whom we agree in the streets, in the strike movement, in the joint confrontation with the
\npolicies of the bourgeoisie; they also involve the ecologists and environmentalists, the supporters
\nof the Yasuni [a large national park in the Amazon region of Ecuador \u2013 translator\u2019s note], the
\nfighters for human rights, the activists of the movement of the women, of the LGBTI, the leftist
\nintellectuals and non-party fighters. With all of them we must build unity against the
\nestablishment, against imperialism and the government in office.<\/p>\n

Each organization has its own programmatic proposals, political lines and strategic objectives;
\nthey have a leadership and membership that fights for those purposes. We all consider ourselves
\nrevolutionaries, we call ourselves anti-capitalist, anti-imperialist fighters; we carry out actions in
\nthe workers\u2019 and youth movement.<\/p>\n

In the daily fight against the policies of imperialism and the bourgeoisie, basically, there are
\ncommon points, reasons to unite our energy and forces.<\/p>\n

On the basis of these facts, the PCMLE proposes to open the debate, on the basis of equality,
\nwith all the political parties and organizations of the left, to find the points of union, to point out
\ndifferences but not to raise them as barriers to hinder unity, to seek concrete agreements, to walk
\nand fight together.<\/p>\n

The PCMLE does not have attitudes of hegemony. It does not try to impose its lines on anyone,
\nbut it does not renounce its obligation to circulate them and put them forward among the masses,
\nto discuss them with other revolutionaries.<\/p>\n

The PCMLE proclaims its willingness to seek agreements, under all circumstances and in all
\nplaces, to join forces to win, through struggle, the demands of the masses, to work persistently
\nfor commitments of programmatic content that go beyond unity in the struggle, that propose
\npolitical objectives.<\/p>\n

Ecuador, March 2020<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

The country was shaken by the outbreak and development of great struggles of the indigenous peoples and nationalities, of the workers of the city and..<\/p>","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":37407,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"nf_dc_page":"","_monsterinsights_skip_tracking":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_active":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_note":"","_monsterinsights_sitenote_category":0,"jetpack_post_was_ever_published":false,"_jetpack_newsletter_access":"","_jetpack_dont_email_post_to_subs":false,"_jetpack_newsletter_tier_id":0,"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paywalled_content":false,"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paid_content":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[],"tags":[193],"class_list":["post-23963","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","tag-ecuador"],"jetpack_featured_media_url":"https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/redphoenix.news\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/04\/pcmle_00002.jpg?fit=1600%2C800&ssl=1","jetpack_sharing_enabled":true,"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/redphoenix.news\/es\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/23963","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/redphoenix.news\/es\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/redphoenix.news\/es\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/redphoenix.news\/es\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/redphoenix.news\/es\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=23963"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/redphoenix.news\/es\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/23963\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/redphoenix.news\/es\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/37407"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/redphoenix.news\/es\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=23963"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/redphoenix.news\/es\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=23963"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/redphoenix.news\/es\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=23963"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}